Dismantling Oppression.
Building Justice.
Reconstruction Institute makes policy accessible so individuals and institutions can see their role in oppressive systems and rebuild toward justice.
We do not manage harm. We dismantle it.
vision
a world free of oppression, where harm done to one is seen as harm done to all.
mission
Creating the behavior and structural change necessary to dismantle oppression.
our pillars
1. Centering Those at the Margins
Systems must be evaluated and rebuilt based on the experiences of those most impacted by harm. We begin and end every engagement with that commitment — not as a rhetorical gesture, but as a structural requirement.
2. Making Policy Accessible
Communities deserve to understand, engage with, and shape the decisions that govern their lives. We translate policy into power — building the literacy and capacity for communities to participate in their own governance.
3. Working Collectively
Across sectors and movements, we work to create a just, safe, and sustainable world for everyone. No single organization changes systems alone. Coalition and collaboration are not strategies — they are requirements.
4. The Long Arc Commitment
Real systems change takes generations. We work with urgency and with patience — investing in the infrastructure of justice, not just its appearance. We are accountable to the people who come after us, not just to the moment we are in.
Faqs about the institute
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Reconstruction Institute is a public health and public policy organization based in Lawrence, Massachusetts. We build analytical tools, community infrastructure, and strategic capacity for the work of dismantling oppressive systems and building just ones in their place.
Our name references the Reconstruction era following the Civil War — the most rapid democratic experiment in American history, and the one whose unfinished work we understand ourselves to be continuing. We are not reforming existing systems. We are building the intellectual and organizational infrastructure that genuine reconstruction requires.
Reconstruction Institute's work stands in the tradition of the institution-builders and truth-tellers who demonstrated that analysis without action is insufficient — and that reconstruction requires both the clearest possible diagnosis and the most determined possible building.
Ida B. Wells
Fannie Lou Hamer
Marie Mc.Leod Bethune
Shirley Chisolm
Florynce Kennedy
Audre Lorde
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This is a deliberate structural choice, not a default. Most social justice and public health organizations are nonprofits, which means their survival depends on the approval of funders whose interests do not always align with the communities the organization serves. Foundation priorities shift. Grant cycles compress work into deliverables. Donor relationships create informal constraints on what an organization will say publicly and which fights it will pick.
Reconstruction Institute operates as a for-profit social enterprise so that the analysis is accountable to the work — not to a funder's strategic plan. We generate revenue through course enrollment, consulting, training, and speaking. That structure gives us the organizational autonomy to say what the evidence shows, advocate for what justice requires, and serve the communities most harmed by the systems we analyze — without managing a donor relationship that requires softening any of that.
Organizations that cannot afford to lose a funder cannot always afford to tell the truth. We can.
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We are based in Lawrence, Massachusetts — a majority-Latino city with a deep history of labor organizing and one of the most concentrated expressions of structural inequality in New England. Lawrence is not incidental to our work. It is the context we analyze from and the community we are accountable to.
Our consulting, training, speaking, and policy work extends nationally. The course is available to anyone. The Liberation Room is an online community with no geographic restriction.
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This is the question we are most often asked, and it deserves a direct answer.
Most DEI training operates at the interpersonal level — it addresses unconscious bias, microaggressions, cultural competency, and individual behavior change. That work has value. It does not address the structural conditions producing the outcomes it is trying to change. An unconscious bias training does not close a racial wealth gap produced by seventy years of discriminatory federal housing policy. A cultural competency workshop does not fix a hospital's financial assistance policy that systematically fails to screen the patients most in need of charity care.
Reconstruction Institute's work is structural. We use analytical frameworks to name the specific policies, practices, and institutional cultures producing documented harm — and we build action plans targeted at the domain of power actually producing each condition, not at its interpersonal expression. The intervention that addresses an interpersonal problem will not close a structural gap. Naming the domain correctly is the prerequisite for effective action.
services
Reconstruction Institute provides case management, consulting, training, facilitation, strategic planning, and policy work for organizations committed to structural change. Our work is grounded in the analytical frameworks of The Architecture of Harm, and goes deeper into the specific institutional context you bring.
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Direct support for individuals and families navigating complex systems — healthcare, housing, legal, and social services — with a structural analysis that names what the systems are doing and builds the navigation strategy accordingly.
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Structural analysis of policy proposals, regulatory frameworks, and legislative landscapes through the policy violence framework and the Reconstruction Framework. Supports advocacy organizations, community groups, and government agencies in naming and addressing structural harm.
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A structural analysis of your organization through Collins' four domains, CREA's power framework, and Okun's white supremacy culture characteristics. Produces a named, evidenced diagnostic and a specific set of recommendations — not a values statement, a structural change plan.
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Facilitation of organizational strategic planning processes using the Reconstruction Framework — grounded in the structural analysis of where the organization is, not where it wants to appear to be. Produces specific, accountable, equity-centered strategic commitments.
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Custom training programs using the frameworks of The Architecture of Harm for organizational teams, cohorts, and professional communities. Available as single sessions, multi-session series, or full course delivery for organizational licensing.
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Maeva delivers keynotes, lectures, and panel presentations on structural racism as a public health emergency, the architecture of harm, and the reconstruction of just systems. Available for conferences, organizational convenings, and community events.
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One-on-one coaching for individuals doing the work of dismantling oppressive patterns in their own lives, relationships, and immediate circles — not organizational consulting, but the personal application of the same structural analysis. For people untangling internalized narratives, navigating family or community systems shaped by the frameworks this Institute teaches, or building the individual capacity to interrupt harm in their own daily sphere of control.
working with ri
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Use the contact form and describe your organization, the challenge you are working on, and what you are hoping our work together would produce. We will respond to determine whether there is a good fit and discuss scope, timeline, and fees.
We work with a limited number of organizational clients at a time in order to do the work well. We do not take engagements where the expected outcome is a report that will not be acted on, a training that substitutes for structural change, or an audit designed to produce the appearance of accountability rather than its substance. If that is not what you are looking for, we want to hear from you.
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Yes, with the same conditions that apply to all of our consulting work. We do not take engagements where the analysis will be managed to produce predetermined conclusions, where structural recommendations will be softened before reaching decision-makers, or where institutional protection takes precedence over community accountability.
Government agencies genuinely committed to structural change — including change that requires naming what their own policies have produced — are clients we want to work with. Maeva's background in community benefits program management at the Massachusetts Attorney General's Office gives us specific grounding in state and municipal government contexts.
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Use the contact form and include the event name, date, audience, and what you are hoping the keynote will accomplish for your attendees. Maeva speaks on structural racism as a public health emergency, the architecture of harm, the Reconstruction Framework, and the reconstruction of just systems in public health, policy, and organizational contexts. We will respond with availability and fees.
SEE. NAME. INTERRUPT. RECONSTRUCT.
SEE. NAME. INTERRUPT. RECONSTRUCT.
FLAGSHIP COURSE
The Architecture of Harm:
See It. Name It. interrupt It. reconstruct it.
Most systems producing harm aren't broken, they're working exactly as designed. This course teaches you to see that design, name it precisely, and act using the Reconstruction Framework.
No prior background required, only the willingness to apply the analysis to your own context and build something different.
2 Modules
10 lessons
self-paced
online
module 1
Frameworks for Understanding Oppression
5 Lessons
Power and Its Faces — CREA Framework Applied to Cancer Alley
The Matrix of Domination — Patricia Hill Collins’ Framework Applied to Indigenous Genocide
The Five Faces of Oppression — Iris Marion Young’s Framework Applied to The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade
White Supremacy Culture in Institutions — Tema Okun’s Framework Applied to The Founding of America
Putting It All Together — All Frameworks Applied to The Flint Water Crisis.
module 2
How institutions cause harm & a path forward
5 Lessons
The Body Under Oppression — Structural Racism as a Public Health Emergency
Trauma-Informed Institutions— Religious Trauma Case Study
The Policy Blueprint — Policy Violence, Intersectionality, and The Examination of Project 2025 as a Form of Policy Violence
The Reconstruction Framework — The Maternal Health Crisis as a Case Study
Doing This Work Sustainably — The Long Arc of Reconstruction
Faqs about the course
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The course is designed for practitioners — people working in or alongside systems that affect community health who are looking for the analytical tools to understand what those systems are doing, why, and a structured framework for acting on that understanding.
That includes public health professionals, policy advocates, organizational leaders, community health workers, social workers, clinicians, educators, researchers, and community organizers. No specific credential or professional background is required — only intellectual seriousness and the willingness to apply the analysis to your own context.
The course is also for community members who want to understand the systems shaping their lives — not as an academic exercise but as preparation for changing them.
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No. The course is rigorous but it does not assume prior academic training. The frameworks are introduced from first principles and applied immediately to documented case studies — Cancer Alley, Flint, the 400-year economic history of racial labor exploitation — so the analysis is grounded in evidence rather than abstraction.
Learners with advanced academic backgrounds will find the course deepens and applies frameworks they may know theoretically. Learners without that background will find it builds the analytical capacity they need from the ground up.
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Ten lessons across three modules, with each lesson running approximately 25-35 minutes plus reflection and application work. At one lesson per week the course takes about 10 weeks.
The course is self-paced with no deadlines, no cohort schedules, and no expiration on access. The reflection and sphere mapping work is designed to be returned to over time as your professional context evolves — many learners find the course most valuable when approached slowly enough to apply each lesson before moving to the next.
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Yes. We offer organizational licensing for teams, cohorts, and institutional professional development programs — including access for a defined group of learners, facilitation support, and the option to customize the reflection and application components for your organizational context. Contact us to discuss
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ABOUT
MAEVA VEILLARD PERRY, MPH
Maeva is the Founder and Director of Reconstruction Institute. She focuses on helping individuals, institutions, and communities understand how inequity is produced—not by accident, but by design—and how those systems can be transformed to serve the collective good.
She built The Architecture of Harm: the course, the framework, and the analytical infrastructure, from the foundational conviction that the most “well-meaning” individuals perpetuate oppression due to a lack of understanding of their role in a rigged system. Maeva believes frameworks for seeing oppression clearly should be as accessible as possible to the people most urgently in need of them: policymakers, legislators, practitioners, advocates, community leaders, and the communities themselves.
Her career spans the public, nonprofit, and government sectors, supporting regulatory oversight and policy initiatives that ensure equitable healthcare access and affordability. Her prior roles include leadership in HIV/STI prevention, elder care and memory support, and community-based health navigation across the Boston area. She integrates evidence-based Public Health models with justice-centered leadership, bringing clarity to complex systems, helping audiences connect history, policy, and institutional design to present-day outcomes.
Her stated motivation is direct: She wants to dismantle oppression, period. Reconstruction Institute is the institution she built to do that.
BACKGROUND AND SERVICE
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DePauw University- Greencastle, IN
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Tufts University School of Medicine- Boston, MA
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Northern Essex Community College
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Massachusetts Attorney General’s Office
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Essex County Commission on the Status of Women
LEGISLATIVE PRIORITIESWhat reconstruction requires
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Citizens United v. FEC (2010) produced a documented relationship between concentrated financial power and policy outcomes in which average citizens have near-zero independent impact after controlling for elite preferences. The Federalist Society's fifty-year judicial pipeline has produced a Supreme Court whose decisions reflect generational ideological engineering rather than the population's evolution. These are not natural conditions. They are the products of named decisions that named decisions can change.
Specific Demands
Repeal Citizens United through constitutional amendment — restore campaign finance limits to end the documented oligarchic capture of policy outcomes.
18-year staggered term limits for Supreme Court justices — preventing generational capture and ensuring the court reflects the population's evolution.
Binding judicial ethics standards for the Supreme Court — addressing documented conflicts of interest with no current accountability mechanism.
Age limits for elected officials — reducing the gerontocracy of American political leadership and its distance from the communities most harmed by its decisions.
Anti-gerrymandering legislation and independent redistricting commissions in all states.
Restore and strengthen the Voting Rights Act gutted by Shelby County v. Holder (2013).
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The racial wealth gap is the compound interest on named federal exclusions — the GI Bill's discriminatory administration, the FHA's racial covenants, the USDA's systematic loan denial, Social Security's original occupational exclusions. The debt is documented, measurable, and owed by the institutional successors of the actors who produced it. The Evanston model, the German Holocaust reparations program, and the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 for Japanese American internment establish the legal and institutional precedent. The acknowledgment has not been made. The repair has not been delivered.
Specific Demands
Pass H.R. 40 — the Commission to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans — and advance it to implementation.
Federal acknowledgment of the specific documented harms of slavery and its successors — named programs, named agencies, named decisions.
Material repair of the racial wealth gap through a dedicated federal reparations program grounded in the documented economic history.
Reparations for Haiti — formal acknowledgment of the $20 billion equivalent debt extracted for Haitian independence and its compounding economic consequences.
Acknowledgment and repair of forced sterilization programs targeting Black, Indigenous, and disabled women — documented through as recently as 2010.
Repair of USDA-documented land theft from Black farmers — 14 million acres to 2 million acres across the 20th century.
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The United States has attempted to pass universal or near-universal healthcare legislation six times since 1912. Each failure was produced by a specific, documented combination of industry lobbying and political calculation — not by the absence of a viable mechanism. An estimated 45,000 Americans die annually from lack of health insurance. Every other wealthy nation has solved this problem through a variety of mechanisms. The United States has chosen not to. That is policy violence — named actors, documented harm, preventable with different decisions.
Specific Demands
Universal healthcare coverage — through Medicare for All, a robust public option, or a multi-payer system with universal coverage requirements.
Repeal the Hyde Amendment — end the prohibition on federal Medicaid funding for abortion that makes reproductive healthcare a right for those who can afford it and not for those who cannot.
Expand and fully fund Title X family planning — restore and increase funding for the reproductive healthcare infrastructure that serves 4 million low-income patients annually.
End Medicare drug price prohibition — require Medicare to negotiate pharmaceutical prices as every comparable nation does.
Address the Black maternal mortality crisis as a federal public health emergency with named accountability, funded infrastructure, and measurable outcome targets.
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The federal minimum wage has been $7.25 since 2009 — the longest period without an increase in the history of the federal minimum wage. A full-time worker at that wage earns approximately $15,000 annually against a federal poverty line of $30,000 for a family of four. Union membership has declined from 34.8% at its peak to approximately 10% today — a documented consequence of deliberate policy decisions. The gig economy's independent contractor classification extracts full-time labor while eliminating full-time employment obligations. The Thirteenth Amendment's exception clause makes prison labor constitutional and compensates it below minimum wage. These are named decisions with documented consequences and available alternatives.
Specific Demands
Federal living wage indexed to inflation — ending the decade-plus wage freeze and ensuring purchasing power is maintained without periodic political battles.
Pass the PRO Act — restore effective labor organizing rights, eliminate captive audience meetings, and strengthen NLRB enforcement.
Reclassify gig workers as employees — close the independent contractor loophole that extracts labor value while eliminating employer obligations.
Abolish the sub-minimum wage for tipped workers — a post-Civil War institution designed to make Black service workers' wages dependent on white customers' goodwill.
Progressive wealth tax on net worth above defined thresholds — reversing four decades of regressive tax policy that has produced documented dynastic wealth accumulation.
Repeal the Thirteenth Amendment's exception clause — end the constitutional permission for prison labor that has sustained convict leasing from 1865 to the present.
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The American housing crisis is not a market failure — it is a market functioning as designed around the racial and economic exclusions the FHA's racial covenants and HOLC's redlining maps built into the infrastructure of homeownership. Environmental racism is the documented pattern of siting industrial facilities, waste dumps, and pollution sources in communities of color — a pattern so consistent that race is a stronger predictor of proximity to toxic facilities than income. Both are produced by named decisions. Both require structural intervention, not better programs within the existing structure.
Specific Demands
Eliminate exclusionary zoning — condition federal infrastructure funding on local zoning reform that ends the land use architecture that concentrates poverty by design.
Fully fund the National Housing Trust Fund — close the documented affordable housing gap of 7.3 million units nationally.
Expand and enforce tenant protections — eviction prevention, just cause eviction requirements, and anti-discriminatory rental screening.
Mandatory cumulative impact assessment for all industrial permitting in documented overburdened communities — before any new permit, not after community opposition builds.
Restore and fund the EPA Office of Environmental Justice — with independent enforcement authority protected from political capture.
Federal climate justice framework — addressing the documented disproportionate burden of climate consequences on communities of color through investment, infrastructure, and just transition policy.
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The criminal justice system traces from slave patrols established in 1704 through the Black Codes of 1865 through the Thirteenth Amendment's exception clause to the present prison industrial complex generating $450 million in Alabama prison labor revenue in 2023. The immigration system has recruited labor through the Bracero Program and criminalized the same population when economic convenience demanded it. Both systems extract maximum labor value from racially targeted workers using the threat of state violence and incarceration as the coercive force. Both require structural dismantling, not reform.
Specific Demands
End qualified immunity — restore civil rights accountability for police violence through legislative reform of 42 U.S.C. Section 1983.
End for-profit immigration detention — terminate ICE contracts with private prison companies whose business model requires filled detention beds.
Pass comprehensive immigration reform with a pathway to citizenship — ending the recruit-when-needed, criminalize-when-convenient labor control architecture.
End mandatory minimums and the sentencing disparities that produce documented racial outcomes across equivalent offenses.
Invest in community-based alternatives to policing and incarceration — mental health crisis response, violence interruption programs, and restorative justice infrastructure.
TAKE THE COURSE
The full analytical foundation for each of these priorities is developed in The Architecture of Harm — including the historical genealogy, the documented harm, the named actors, and the theory of change for achieving structural intervention at each level. The course is the evidence base. These priorities are the accountability.
Land and Reparations Acknowledgment
Reconstruction Institute operates on the unceded land of the Pennacook, Pawtucket, and Massachusett peoples. We acknowledge Maeva's Haitian ancestry and demand reparations for Haiti, who was forced to pay the equivalent of $20 billion dollars to France and the United States for gaining its independence and becoming the First Black Republic in 1804 — a debt that took 122 years to repay and whose compounding economic consequences persist to this day. We also demand reparations for the descendants of all enslaved people in the United States and throughout the Diaspora. The racial wealth gap, the systematic theft of Black land and labor, and the documented multigenerational consequences of slavery and colonization are not legacy issues. They are present conditions, produced by named decisions, owed named remedies.

